Reconstruction analysis
Connections
Notes
This root is quite widely distributed in TB, appearing in the NE Indian Areal Group, Himalayish, Lolo-Burmese (including Jinuo), and Bai. It was reconstructed as PLB *b(y)et in Matisoff 1972b #5 (The Loloish Tonal Split Revisited) and HPTB p. 375, but that has been revised here to *b(y)at to accommodate those reflexes that have -a- vocalism (e.g. WB, Kokborok, Bunan). Bradley’s (1979) PLB reconstruction without medial glide, *bat, does not account for certain Loloish reflexes with front vowels (e.g. Lahu cha-pɛ̀ʔ, since the regular Lahu reflex of *-at is -eʔ). Bauer 1991 (LTBA 14.1) treats this etymon as part of a binome *dzu(k)-byet (see #1356 PTB *dzyuk ⪤ *tsyuk VULVA for the first element), and adduces parallels in Hmong-Mien languages and Chinese. Benedict (1990) hypothesizes a “Proto-Austro-Kadai” binome *tu-pi (for the first element see #661 PTB *s-tu VAGINA / VULVA). These freewheeling proposals remain to be evaluated by future generations. There does not seem to be any connection between this etymon and #668 PTB *pu VAGINA, which is confined mostly to Himalayish, and whose reflexes have back vowels.
The Bai forms listed below may well be loans from Chinese.
K. P. Malla suggests that the first syllable of Newar (Dolakhali) pi-ci ‘vagina’ really means ‘breast’ (see Kathmandu Newar pi-si ‘breast’ under #276 PTB *(p/b)i ROUNDED PART / NIPPLE / FOREHEAD / SHOULDER above), but can be used euphemistically to mean ‘vagina’. In the other Himalayish forms cited here, however, this morpheme does definitely seem to mean ‘vagina’.
Chinese comparandum
According to H. Stimson 1966,1 the taboo word 屄 (Mand. bī) does not appear in dictionaries until the 17th century. Benedict 19882 posits OC *b'iĕt, underlying such modern dialect forms as Hakka piet⁸ and Min Kienyang (建陽) pie⁷. This Chinese word may well be the source of the Baic and some of the Loloish forms listed above.
[JAM]
Chinese dialect forms of this word point to both open and closed-syllable ancestral forms, for example Schuessler 2007:161 notes Amoy (= Xiamen) tsiᴬ¹-paiᴬ². This suggests early Chinese variants *pe and *pet, the latter of which corresponds well to PTB *byat. (For the correspondence between OC *e and PTB *ya, cf. 八 OC *pret (Baxter) ‘eight’, PTB *b-ryat, Mand. bā. However Schuessler believes that this word is derived from ‘to open’ (PST *pe), with the addition of *-t marking “nouns of naturally occurring objects”. See Schuessler 2007:161, 414. This hypothesis could also explain the etymology of the PTB etymon under discussion here.
[ZJH]
Reflexes & cognates60 reflexes · 18 subgroups
0.1Tibeto-Burman (previously published reconstructions)1
1.1.2Deng3
1.3.3Zeme Group1
1.4Meithei1
1.7.1.1Bodo1
1.7.3.2Asakian5
2.1.1Western Himalayish4
2.1.2.1Tibetan1
2.1.4Tamangish2
2.3.4Western Kiranti3
6.1Lolo-Burmese2
6.1.1Burmish1
6.1.2Loloish2
6.1.2.1Northern Loloish7
6.1.2.2Central Loloish20
6.1.2.3Southern Loloish5
6.2Naxi1
8Bai5
Cite this entry
*b(y)at ‘VAGINA’.https://larc-iu.github.io/stedt/etymon/662BibTeX
@misc{stedt-662,
title = {{*b(y)at 'VAGINA'}},
author = {STEDT},
year = {2017},
note = {Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus (STEDT) v1.0, etymon #662},
url = {https://larc-iu.github.io/stedt/etymon/662}
}