*kwar
Reconstruction analysis
Intermediate reconstructions
Connections
Notes
STC makes an artificial distinction between two groups of forms, one reconstructed *kor ‘valley; pit; cave’ (#349) and the other *kwar ‘hole’ (#350), here combined into a single etymon. This etymon is widely distributed in the NE Indian Areal Group, with scattered cognates elsewhere (Himalayish, Qiangic, Nungish, Bai). It appears as the last syllable in compounds referring to orifices of the body, especially EAR, NOSTRIL, ANUS, and VAGINA; occasionally also in compounds for EYE.
Sometimes, however, a similar morpheme appears as a monosyllable or as the first syllable in a compound; these cases I refer to a separate (but perhaps allofamically related) etymon #3558 NEIA *ko(n/r) EAR, with the specific meaning EAR. A key form here is Kom Rem kōr khur ‘ear canal’, with the structure #3558 NEIA *ko(n/r) EAR + *kor.
While I occasionally reconstruct *kwar for the second syllables of compounds meaning EYE (e.g. Wancho mək-ər), there is a group of Bodo-Garo forms meaning EYE where I set up a separate (but again perhaps allofamic) etymon #3557 NEIA *gon EYE, with the specific meaning EYE. Compare Bodo ha-khor ‘hole, valley’ vs. me-gon ‘eye’; Garo ging-kol ‘nostril’ vs. mik-on ‘eye’. There is also some evidence from Monpa Tsangla for the independence of this etymon and #3557 NEIA *gon EYE: miŋ-khor ‘eye’ vs. miŋ-khoŋ-(taŋ) ‘eye (< #682 PTB *s-mik EYE + #3557 NEIA *gon EYE).
This etymon may well be related to #5748 PTB *s/m-kwar ROUND, the common core of meaning perhaps residing in the round appearance of many holes (cf. WT kor ‘round, circular hollow in the ground, pit’).
It is often difficult to distinguish reflexes of this etymon from those of #820 PTB *(g/k)uŋ HOLE / ORIFICE / INNER PART, especially with respect to Loloish and Qiangic. More than one allofam are evidently involved; cf. e.g. Lahu qhɔ ‘inside; hole’ ⪤ qō ‘hollow object’.
Chinese comparandum
窾 OC *kʼwɑ̂n, GSR #162b ‘hole, opening’; Schuessler 2007:338; Mand. kuǎn.
貫 OC *kwɑ̂n, GSR #159a ‘pierce, pass through’; Schuessler 2007:338; B & S 2011: *kˁon {kˁo[n]}; Mand. guàn.
Reflexes & cognates218 reflexes · 35 subgroups
0.1Tibeto-Burman (previously published reconstructions)4
1.2Kuki-Chin3
1.2.1.1Northern Chin7
1.2.1.2Southern Plains Chin2
1.2.2Central Chin16
1.2.3Maraic11
1.2.4“Old Kuki”8
1.3.1Central Naga (Ao Group)28
1.3.2Angami-Pochuri Group2
1.3.3Zeme Group9
1.3.4Tangkhulic12
1.4Meithei4
1.5Mikir [Karbi]8
1.7.1.1Bodo5
1.7.1.2Garo9
1.7.1.3Koch4
1.7.2Northern Naga/Konyakian1
1.7.2.1Tangsa-Nocte4
1.7.2.2Konyak-Chang12
1.7.3.1Jingpho8
2.1.2Bodic2
2.1.2.1Tibetan2
2.1.4Tamangish4
2.2Newar5
2.3.1Eastern Kiranti2
2.3.4Western Kiranti1
3.2Qiangic9
3.3.1rGyalrong8
4Nungic3
5Tujia4
6.1.1Burmish5
6.1.2.1Northern Loloish8
6.1.2.2Central Loloish5
7Karenic2
8Bai11
Cite this entry
*kwar ‘HOLE / ORIFICE / INNARDS’.https://larc-iu.github.io/stedt/etymon/665BibTeX
@misc{stedt-665,
title = {{*kwar 'HOLE / ORIFICE / INNARDS'}},
author = {STEDT},
year = {2017},
note = {Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus (STEDT) v1.0, etymon #665},
url = {https://larc-iu.github.io/stedt/etymon/665}
}